By Suresh Unnithan
The Joshua Project, a U.S.-based evangelical Christian organization founded in 1995 in Colorado Springs, operates under the biblical “Great Commission” (Matthew 28:19) to spread Christianity globally. In India, it pursues a strategic mission to convert “unreached people groups”—ethnic communities with fewer than 2% evangelical Christians and no self-sustaining church movements. Targeting marginalized groups like Other Backward Classes (OBC), Scheduled Castes (SC/Dalits), and Scheduled Tribes (ST), who collectively form over half of India’s 1.45 billion population, the project leverages detailed ethnographic data on castes, tribes, languages, and socioeconomic vulnerabilities to facilitate conversions, primarily from Hinduism and Islam.
The organization has identified over 2,000 vulnerable people groups in India, whom it considers susceptible to proselytization, well before discussions of caste-based censuses gained political traction. Critics argue that the Joshua Project’s activities extend beyond spiritual outreach, aiming for political dominance. By building a Christian base through conversions, the project enables churches to mobilize bloc voters, influence elections, secure concessions, and reshape India’s demographic and governance landscape. As of September 2025, with India’s Christian population at approximately 2.5% (35 million), the project’s influence is most pronounced in regions like the Northeast, Kerala, and Goa, where it allegedly fuels separatist sentiments and unrest to consolidate power.
Conversion Tactics: Allurements for the Marginalized
Following the identification of unreached groups, the Joshua Project employs a range of allurements to convert marginalized communities, who are often seen as gullible due to their socioeconomic hardships. These include promises of financial aid, free education in mission-run schools, healthcare through mobile clinics and hospitals, and even job opportunities or housing assistance under government schemes like Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, which are presented as exclusive benefits for converts. In rural and tribal areas, evangelists offer immediate relief such as food distributions during famines or natural disasters, positioning Christianity as a pathway to social mobility and escape from caste-based discrimination. Reports from states like Odisha and Jharkhand highlight how free health camps identify vulnerable individuals, providing treatment conditional on attending prayer meetings or converting, thereby exploiting desperation for spiritual gains.
Moreover, the project facilitates the planting of churches nationwide, even in staunchly Hindu-dominated regions such as Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Gujarat. This expansion involves establishing small house churches or prayer halls in villages, often disguised as community centers to evade scrutiny under anti-conversion laws. By 2025, thousands of such churches have proliferated, with estimates suggesting over 50,000 new congregations in the last decade alone, many funded by international donations. In Hindu-majority areas, these churches serve as hubs for ongoing evangelism, hosting events like miracle healing sessions that draw crowds with claims of divine interventions for ailments or financial woes.
Evangelists further ease penetration by instigating or amplifying communal and caste tensions, posing as messiahs who offer solace amid conflict. In areas with existing caste divides, they portray Hinduism as an oppressive system perpetuated by upper castes, encouraging lower castes to convert as a form of rebellion. Tactics include spreading narratives of historical grievances, such as Aryan invasion theories, to foster resentment and position Christianity as an egalitarian alternative. In communally sensitive regions, missionaries have been accused of fueling riots or disputes— for instance, by supporting one faction in village feuds—then stepping in as peacemakers, converting those disillusioned by the chaos. This strategy not only accelerates conversions but also creates loyal enclaves that can be mobilized politically, as seen in recent caste-based agitations in Bihar and Madhya Pradesh where converted groups demand reservations extended to Christian Dalits.
Strategic Framework: Evangelize, Convert, Control
The Joshua Projects motto—evangelize first, then convert—drives a sophisticated campaign rooted in data. Its global database tracks 17559 ethnic groups, with 2272 in India, of which 2041 (89.8%) are unreached, covering 95.6% of the population (1.39 billion). These groups, identified long before caste-based census debates, include vulnerable castes and tribes like the Abdul (0-0.1% Christian), Ad Dharmi (0.1-2%), and tribals like Adi (10-50%). Using Indias PIN codes, dialects, and socioeconomic data, the project maps communities for targeted proselytization, deploying agents trained for two years in Believers Churches to collect caste-specific data and execute outreach.
The strategy unfolds in phases:
Targeted Conversions: Focus on OBC (1.8% Christian), SC (0.4%), ST (9.4%), and forward castes (1.2%), exploiting poverty and caste discrimination with incentives—Rs.1500-2000 per convert, free healthcare (e.g., Odishas health camps), education (11 Bihar schools), and housing promises via schemes like Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Cultural tools like CBN Indias Jesus Bhajan make Christianity appealing.
Bloc Mobilization: Converts are organized into voting blocs, often rejecting Hinduism as oppressive, with churches guiding votes (85% anti-BJP in 2024) through pastoral letters.
Political Bargaining: Numerical strength secures minority quotas, land grants, or policy influence in early stages; in Christian-heavy areas, churches dictate party nominations and alliances.
Long-Term Dominance: Sustained conversions aim for demographic shifts, with critics alleging a goal of national control, echoing colonial civilizing missions.
This approach, funded by billions from Western churches, Vatican sources, and NGOs, reached 60 million people by 2025, with 40 million reportedly converted, achieving a 3.9% annual conversion rate—above the global 2.6%.
Electoral Influence: Leveraging Numbers for Power
Despite being 2.5% of Indias population, Christians influence 20-25 Lok Sabha seats (out of 543) and over 300 assembly constituencies, wielding decisive voter shares (20-90%). In the Northeast, churches dominate all 60 Nagaland seats (87.9% Christian), 40 in Mizoram (87.2%), most of Meghalayas 60 (74.6%), and 25 in Manipur (41%), impacting 11 parliamentary seats. Keralas 18% Christians (6 million) control 8-10 Lok Sabha seats (e.g., Pathanamthitta at 30%, Idukki at 40%) and 30-40 assembly seats in coastal (Ernakulam) and highland (Idukki) areas. Goas 25% Christians sway South Goas Lok Sabha seat and 10-12 assembly seats in Salcete (over 40% Christian). Marginal impacts appear in Tamil Nadus Nagercoil and Andhra Pradeshs Vizag. Pastoral guidance ensures bloc voting, amplifying church veto power over minority policies.
Regional Strongholds and Separatist Agendas
In Christian-dominated regions, the projects political agenda manifests vividly:
Northeast: Nagalands Baptist Council boycotted BJP in 2018 for Article 371A protections, while Manipurs 2023-2025 Kuki-Meitei clashes saw churches back Kuki (Christian) autonomy demands amid 350+ church attacks, hinting at insurgency ties. Mizorams church-backed Mizo National Front secures concessions, fueling Balkanization fears.
Kerala: Coastal and highland strongholds enable Kerala Congress factions to demand cabinet roles and church lands (7.9 acres in 2016). In 2024, Pathanamthittas Christians rebuffed BJPs Suresh Gopi, citing divisive policies.
Goa: South Goas Catholic voters ensure Congress dominance, rejecting BJP in 2022 via church guidance, demanding anti-conversion law exemptions.
The project allegedly funds divisive agitations, with 2025 Kerala raids uncovering Rs.100 crore plus for evangelism, labeled destabilizing. Northeast unrest (950+ incidents) and Goas land grabs reflect this pattern.
Funding and Collaborations
Backed by Western evangelicals, Vatican-linked sources, and NGOs, the project collaborates with the AD2000 and Beyond Movement, Believers Churches, Gospel for Asia (GEMS), CBN India, and the Southern Baptist Convention. These entities provide infrastructure—118 Bihar daycares, vehicles—and training, sustaining a 3.9% conversion rate. FCRA restrictions in 2025 exposed diverted funds, underscoring strategic intent over philanthropy.
Ethical Concerns and Counterpoints
Critics, including RSS affiliates, decry the project as spiritual colonialism, alleging caste profiling and coercion via incentives. Claims of Maoist or Khalistani links, though unproven, fuel fears of separatism, with a 2025 paper tying tribal conversions to unrest. Defenders, like the Evangelical Fellowship of India, argue conversions offer Dalits escape from caste oppression, yet caste persists in churches, and reservation losses deter converts. Pews 82% religious retention suggests limited demographic shifts, but bloc voting amplifies influence.
The Joshua Projects mission in India blends evangelism with a political blueprint: convert vulnerable groups, mobilize them for electoral sway, and dominate governance. Targeting 95.6% unreached, it exploits inequalities for 2.4 million annual conversions, wielding power in the Northeast, Kerala, and Goa. While defenders highlight social justice, coercive tactics and funded unrest threaten Indias pluralism. Robust oversight, FCRA transparency, and socioeconomic reforms are critical to curb this Christianization for power while respecting religious freedom.